2021年5月31日

作者：黄心谷 律师助理

Introduction

After the hype of win-win due to globalization, there have been increasing concerns in the developing countries in terms of their abilities to control their social and economic development, which is being circumscribed by economic integration at a global level (Faundez & Tan, 2010). This is because many of the policy instruments which were used by mature industrialised countries for reaching their current development level are not available anymore due to the international obligations and rules. In addition to this, the increasing reliance on global markets has not been able to generate improvements in living conditions. Hence, policy space has been the most interesting topic for me in terms of international trade policy as it has strongly affected countries like China and India in different aspects in terms of adopting international policies. Therefore, I will provide an overview of policy space followed by the theoretical underpinnings of this topic, along with the reasons due to which it is an important topic in the economic relations at a global level. Based on this analysis, I will highlight the way members of WTO can address this issue.

Understanding Policy Space

Policy space as a term appeared in the documents of UNCTAD, which attained its official status in 2004 in the Consensus of Sao Paulo. It is defined as the scope of policies at the domestic level in terms of industrial, investment, and trade development, which can be framed by international commitments, disciplines, and market considerations at a global level (ODI, 2007). Therefore, it is essential to determine the impact that policy space has on the national policies as well as the freedom of developing countries.

Theory of Economic Policy

The theory of economic policy is considered to serve as an important basis to address the policies’ effectiveness in terms of the evolution of the national economy. Both economists, as well as policymakers who offer policy advice, tend to generally adopt implicitly or explicitly the main elements of this theory. These main elements are the set of instruments which can be controlled directly by the policymakers, the targets which tend to describe the national economy evolution and a model that tends to describe the economic relationship present between targets and instrument (Mayer, 2009). Moreover, this theory also focuses on the choices available for the policymakers for attaining the values which are desired through the application of different instruments. In addition to this, there are two main rules related to the economic policy in which the first is that the policy instruments need to be as many as the targets if the focus is on attaining all the targets.

In the closed economies, policymakers tend to have full command over the different policy instruments, but they might not be able to have complete control over the specific policy targets. In addition to this, the relationship present between the policy instruments and their targets can be unstable while the information and knowledge related to these types of relationships can be incomplete (Mayer, 2009).

Furthermore, to study the relationship between target and instrument in an economy that is internationally integrated, it is important to understand and differentiate between de jure sovereignty and de facto control. The former focuses on the formal authority that national policymakers have over the policy instruments. Hence, it can be stated that policy space refers to the combination of de facto national policy and the de jure policy sovereignty.

This shows that international economic integration tends to affect the policy space due to different forces in opposite directions. The integration process in the global economy tends to restrict the policy space due to the reduction in the number of instruments available due to the legal commitments to the international practices and rules, which shows that it places a constraint on the de jure. In addition to this, it results in a reduction in the effectiveness related to macroeconomic instruments, which is a constraint to the de facto autonomy (Mayer, 2009).

Asymmetry in Following Rules and Policy Spaces

Studies have revealed the way there is an asymmetry in the enforcement of rules between different countries based on resources and economic power (Lee et al., 2013). Moreover, when policies tend to be challenged by WTO members and are not consistent with the rules of WTO, the policies need to be adjusted or abandoned. However, when the defeated nations decline the rulings, retaliation is allowed, but it needs to be done by the interest countries in an individual manner (Lee et al., 2013).

However, there is a case of the US that has been actively using the legal system of WTO in both offensives as well as defensive way. This leads to a continuous problem of noncompliance. Due to this zeroing practice of US, there are many developing countries that have been affected. The main issue behind this US zeroing practice was that the developing countries were forced to bring their cases to WTO for settlement in which US continued to reject the application of WTO ruling.

The scholars can be divided into pragmatic and structural views based on their perception of the possibilities to implement development policies that are effective. On the other hand, pragmatists tend to argue that there is room for manoeuvring the policies of development in the trading system.  

Addressing the Issue

Based on these arguments, I, however, think that there is a limited room in WTO for developing countries for promoting industrial policy. Moreover, both developed as well as developing countries tend to have the same use of policy space (Bora et al., 2000). However, the developing countries are not able to attain a comparative advantage over the developed nations. This is because the different countries tend to have different objectives due to which they require different policy tools for developing their economy. Hence, I believe that level of flexibility should be increased for the developing countries in the WTO to ensure that it accounts for the diversity in the objectives and types of countries. All of these considerations need to be highlighted as the issue can be resolved through some changes in the multilateral agreements.

Conclusion

The most interesting one for me was the concept of policy space, which I considered to be an important element to differentiate between the developed and developing nations. In this regard, the analysis has revealed the way policy space leads to a reduction in the autonomy and control of the policymakers. In addition to this, the analysis revealed that it is a major issue in the present times in which there are large numbers of multilateral agreements that are being used by WTO. It is, however, important to highlight that the policy space available for developed and developing countries need to be different. This will help thee developing countries to achieve autonomy as well as the right to determine which WTO policies they want to implement based on their own specific goals and objectives.

References

Cooper, R. N. (1968), The Economics of Interdependence: Economic Policy in the Atlantic Community. New York: McGraw Hill for the Council on Foreign Relations.

Faundez, J. & Tan, C. (2010). International economic law, globalization and developing countries, Edward Elgar Publishing.

Lee, K.; Shin, W. & Shin, H. (2013). How large is the policy space? WTO regime and industrial policy. Retrieved from https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/policy/cdp/cdp_news_archive/policy_space_klee.pdf.

Mayer, J. (2009). Policy space: what, for what, and where? Development Policy Review, 27(4), pp. 373-385.

ODI (2007). Policy space:  Are WTO rules preventing development? Retrieved from www.odi.org.uk.

Siqueira, PBA & Martins, C.J. (2015). Policy space and policy autonomy under the WTO: A comparison of post-crisis industrial policies in Brazil and the US, Law and Development Review, 8(2), pp. 389-432.

 译文：

介绍

在全球化带来的双赢炒作之后，发展中国家控制其社会和经济发展的能力受到了全球层面经济一体化的限制(Faundez & Tan, 2010)。这是因为成熟工业化国家为达到其目前的发展水平而使用的许多政策工具由于国际义务和规则而不再可用。此外，对全球市场的日益依赖也未能改善生活条件。因此，就国际贸易政策而言，政策空间一直是我最感兴趣的话题，因为它在不同方面对中国和印度等国家采取国际政策产生了强烈影响。因此，我将概述政策空间，然后是本课题的理论基础，以及它成为全球经济关系中重要课题的原因。基于这一分析，我将强调世贸组织成员解决这一问题的方式。

理解政策空间

政策空间一词出现于贸发会议的文件中，该文件于2004年在《圣保罗共识》中获得正式地位。它被定义为国内在产业、投资和贸易发展方面的政策范围，可以由国际承诺、纪律和全球层面的市场考虑来确定(ODI, 2007)。因此，确定政策空间对国家政策和发展中国家自由的影响至关重要。

经济政策理论

经济政策理论被认为是研究国民经济发展过程中政策有效性的重要依据。无论是经济学家，还是提供政策建议的决策者，通常都倾向于含蓄或明确地采纳这一理论的主要要素。这些主要要素是一组可以由决策者直接控制的工具，倾向于描述国民经济演变的目标和一个倾向于描述目标和工具之间的经济关系的模型(Mayer, 2009)。此外，该理论还侧重于决策者可选择的方法，以通过应用不同的工具获得所需的价值。除此之外，与经济政策有关的两条主要规则是，如果重点是实现所有目标，那么政策工具的数量必须与目标的数量相同。

在封闭经济体中，政策制定者往往对不同的政策工具有完全的控制权，但他们可能无法对具体的政策目标有完全的控制权。此外，政策工具与其目标之间的关系可能不稳定，而与这些关系类型相关的信息和知识可能不完整(Mayer, 2009)。

  此外，要研究国际一体化经济中目标和工具之间的关系，了解和区分法定主权和实际控制是很重要的。前者关注的是国家决策者对政策工具拥有的正式权力。因此，政策空间是指事实上的国家政策与法律上的政策主权的结合。

这说明，国际经济一体化由于不同力量的作用，往往会对政策空间产生相反的影响。全球经济的一体化进程往往限制政策空间，因为由于对国际惯例和规则的法律承诺，可用的文书数量减少，这表明它对法律上的限制。除此之外，它还导致了与宏观经济工具相关的有效性的降低，这是对事实上的自治的限制(Mayer, 2009)。

遵循规则和政策空间中的不对称性

研究表明，基于资源和经济实力的不同国家之间的规则执行存在不对称(Lee et al.， 2013)。此外，当政策容易受到WTO成员的挑战，不符合WTO规则时，政策需要调整或放弃。然而，当战败国拒绝裁决时，可以进行报复，但需要利益国以个人的方式进行报复(Lee etal .， 2013)。

然而，有一个例子，美国一直在积极利用WTO的法律体系，无论是在进攻方面还是在防御方面。这将导致持续的不遵从性问题。由于美国的这种归零做法，很多发展中国家都受到了影响。美国这种归零做法背后的主要问题是，发展中国家被迫向世贸组织申诉，而美国继续拒绝世贸组织裁决的适用。

根据他们对实施有效发展政策的可能性的认识，学者们可以分为实用主义和结构性观点。另一方面，实用主义者倾向于主张，在贸易体系中存在着操纵发展政策的空间。

解决这一问题

然而，基于这些论点，我认为，在世贸组织中，发展中国家促进产业政策的空间有限。此外，发达国家和发展中国家倾向于使用相同的政策空间(Bora et al.， 2000)。然而，发展中国家无法获得相对于发达国家的比较优势。这是因为不同的国家有不同的目标，因此他们需要不同的政策工具来发展他们的经济。因此，我认为，应该提高世贸组织中发展中国家的灵活性，以确保它考虑到各国目标和类型的多样性。所有这些考虑都需要强调，因为这个问题可以通过对多边协定作一些修改来解决。

结论

对我来说，最有趣的是政策空间的概念，我认为这是区分发达国家和发展中国家的一个重要因素。在这方面，分析揭示了政策空间导致决策者自主权和控制力减少的方式。此外，分析显示，这是目前的一个主要问题，因为有大量的多边协议正在被世贸组织使用。然而，重要的是要强调发达国家和发展中国家可用的政策空间必须有所不同。这将帮助发展中国家实现自主，并有权根据自己的具体目标和目标来决定要实施哪些WTO政策。

作者： 戴雅凝 律师助理

As the basic law of every nation,constitution plays an important role in the system of every country in theworld. Constitution is applicable to all citizens of a country. It is theproduct of the comprehensive effect of specific social, political, economic andideological and cultural conditions, and give back the real parallel ofmiscellaneous political power. It stipulates the basic tasks and systems of thestate, namely, the social system, the tenets of the state system, the fabric ofstate power and the basic rights and duty of civics.
Britain and the United States, thoughdifferent in the form of constitution, are both typical countries in the worldto safeguard people’s constitutional interests.In addition,  the influence of a poignant contrast of governmentalpower within a state plays a straight role in the growth and change of theconstitution, diplomatic relations have an impact on the progress trend of theconstitution as well.  The system ofrepresentation began in Medieval England and established the principle that theking should not levy taxes or make other laws without the consent ofparliament. Later, representative systems began to become widespread and wereused in Europe and the United States. People today call it representative law theconstitution, and it also creates constitutionalism. Although the Britishconstitutional system originated earlier, it has never established a writtenconstitution. The constitution of the USA is the earliest constitution withhandwriting in the whole world. The American Constitution establishes theprinciples of three-power independence, institutional balance, popularsovereignty, proper government, and separation of powers between the federaland the state. Twenty-seven amendments to the Constitution have now beenpassed. For example, the protection of the right to demonstrate in Americanlaw. Although the purpose of mass demonstrations is to vent theirdissatisfaction with the government, the freedom to organize demonstrationsalso reflects the protection of this right from another aspect.There is no doubt that the constitution hasthe function of protecting citizens’ rights. In the national legal system, theconstitution is not only the legal department that systematically andcomprehensively stipulates the basic rights of citizens, but also its basicstarting point is to protect the rights and freedoms of citizens. TheConstitution clearly stipulates citizens’ freedom rights, which shows that theyare sacred and inviolable, such as citizens’ freedom rights, freedom of speechand behavior, and other basic rights enjoyed by citizens. It can be said thatthe most important and core value of the constitution is that it is theguarantee of civil rights. However, in the specific implementation process, thereare often problems that the protection of rights is not thorough enough. In thesame case, on the streets of Minneapolis, a 46 year old African American man,George Floyd, was brutally executed and the police put his knee on his neck todeath. A person’s right to exist is the most basic right, but due to racialdiscrimination and other reasons, it is still unable to achieve real equalityfor all.In fact, no matter what form ofconstitution it is, there will be an expression to protect civil rights in essence,which leads to a problem worthy of discussion: are modern constitutionseffective at protecting the civil liberties of citizens? Furthermore, Britain’sprotection of people’s rights has developed and changed with the changes of thetimes, showing different trends. For example, it is traditionally understoodthat implementing parliament is the role and will of the British Supreme Court,rather than challenging the will of Parliament. In addition, the BritishConstitution has been pressing UKSC to develop constitutional jurisprudence soas to resolve conflicts of higher principles, such as the conflict betweenparliamentary sovereignty and the rule of law. As a member of the European Union, Britain has the obligation to acceptthe nationals of EU Member States. But it needs high-tech, service-orientedtalents, not illegal immigrants. In the end, Britain left the EU. Brexit, as athreat to the unity of the United Kingdom, sowed the seeds of adverse factorsfor constitutional chaos and then affecting people’s rights.In this paper, we do not give too muchcomment on brexit, but the reason why British leaders made this decision isobviously related to the protection of their own economy and national rights.As for the United States, President Trump’s decree has also changed therelationship between the protection of human rights in the United States andthe implementation of the constitution. For example, in almost any other era,the treatment of the Trump Administration’s travel ban by the lower federal courts would have been consideredtruly extraordinary (Maltz, 2018).The function of law can be understood asthe law has an influence on the social relations which are formed betweenpeople and which indicates the operation of state power and the realization ofstate will. From the perspective of regulating social norms of people’sbehavior, the law can regulate people’s behavior. On the other hand, law alsohas a social role, which is understood from the perspective of law to achieve apurpose in social life. The effectiveness of the constitution has the prioritythat can not be ignored. Today, in the international community, a fundamentalmoral principle is the protection of human rights. Whether this thing or thingmeets the requirements of human rights protection has gradually become animportant criterion to judge whether a collective maintains harmoniousrelations However, on the grade of specific practice, there are quite a lot ofdisputes about the effect of the Constitution in the protection of fundamentalhuman rights and the specific ways, and even caused serious conflicts. Inrecent years, as the world is experiencing globalization, one of the majorissues of the international community is to find ways to communicate throughconstructive dialogue and expand international sharing of human rights.Forexample, two countries that do not have extradition provisions. Or, althoughthe extradition clause has been agreed upon, it has not been effectivelyimplemented. How to deal with the suspect’s transnational crime and thepossible offender’s human rights protection. Demanding that everyone be treatedfairly and reasonably is certainly one of the things that the universality ofhuman rights would do. However, in real life, there are different economic power,political power, race, nationality and so on. People are divided into differentclasses, and in different degrees and rights, human rights will become limitedand unfair, and even people will become luxuries to serve the privilegedclass.The right to justice is to extend human rights to everyone equally. Theright to justice is not only a part of human rights, but also a necessarycondition for other parts of human rights. The issue of human rights is notonly confined to the framework of western civilization, but also needs to beconsidered in other civilizations synchronized with western civilization. Forexample, taking human rights in China as an example, China believes that humanrights are not only personal  rights, butalso mutual rights such as collective rights and civil rights. Human rightsprotection should pay attention to the rights of all members of society toparticipate in and develop equally. However, Western civilization pays moreattention to personal dignity and authority, emphasizing personal feelings andsubjective feelings.In a nutshell, obviously, the protection ofhuman rights in these two civilizations cannot be the same. Therefore, whetherthe constitution effectively protects human rights is an important and worthyof discussion.

Work cited:

Khushal, Murkens Jo Eric. “Judiciousreview: the constitutional practice of the UK Supreme Court.” CambridgeLaw Journal (2018):1-26.

Maltz, Earl M. “The Constitution andthe Trump Travel Ban.” Social ence Electronic Publishing (2018).

中文译文：

现代宪法在保护公民自由方面的有效性

宪法作为各国的基本法律，在世界各国的制度中占有重要的地位。宪法适用于一个国家的全体公民。它是特定的社会、政治、经济和思想文化条件综合作用的产物，并回馈了杂性政治权力的现实平行性。它规定了国家的基本任务和制度，即社会制度、国家制度的原则、国家权力的结构以及公民的基本权利和义务。英美两国虽然在宪法形式上有所不同，但都是世界上维护人民宪法利益的典型国家。此外，国家内部政府权力的尖锐对比的影响对宪法的发展和变化也起着直接的作用，外交关系也影响着宪法的发展趋势。代表制起源于中世纪的英国，确立了国王未经议会同意不得征税或制定其他法律的原则。后来，代表制开始广泛使用，并在欧洲和美国使用。现在人们称它为代议法即宪法，它也创造了宪政。英国的宪法制度虽然起源较早，但从未建立成文宪法。美国宪法是世界上最早的成文宪法。美国宪法确立了三权分立、制度平衡、人民主权、适当政府以及联邦和州权力分立的原则。现在已经通过了27条宪法修正案。例如，美国法律对示威权的保护。虽然大规模示威的目的是为了发泄他们对政府的不满，但组织示威的自由也从另一个方面反映了对这一权利的保护。毫无疑问，宪法具有保障公民权利的功能。在国家法律体系中，宪法不仅是系统、全面规定公民基本权利的法律部门，而且宪法的基本出发点是保障公民的权利和自由。宪法明确规定了公民的自由权，即公民的自由权、言论和行为自由以及公民享有的其他基本权利是神圣不可侵犯的。可以说，宪法最重要、最核心的价值是公民权利的保障。但在具体实施过程中，往往存在权利保障不够彻底的问题。在同一案件中，在明尼阿波利斯街头，一名46岁的非洲裔男子乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)被残忍地处决，警察用膝盖顶着他的脖子将他处死。一个人的生存权是最基本的权利，但由于种族歧视等原因，仍然无法实现真正的人人平等。事实上，无论何种宪法形式，在本质上都有一种保护公民权利的表述，这就引出了一个值得探讨的问题：现代宪法在保护公民的公民自由方面是否有效？此外，英国对人民权利的保护也随着时代的变化而发展变化，呈现出不同的趋势。例如，传统的理解是，实施议会是英国最高法院的角色和意志，而不是挑战议会的意志。此外，英国宪法一直在敦促UKSC发展宪法学，以解决更高原则的冲突，如议会主权与法治之间的冲突。作为欧盟成员国，英国有义务接受欧盟成员国的国民。但它需要的是高科技、服务型人才，而不是非法移民。最终，英国脱离了欧盟。英国脱欧威胁了英国的统一，为宪政混乱埋下了不利因素的种子，进而影响了人民的权利。在本文中，我们对英国脱欧没有太多的评论，但英国领导人做出这一决定的原因显然与保护本国经济和国家权利有关。对于美国来说，特朗普总统的法令也改变了美国保护人权与执行宪法的关系。例如，在几乎任何其他时代，下级联邦法院对待特朗普政府旅行禁令的做法都会被认为是真正非同寻常的（马尔茨，2018年）。法律的作用可以理解为法律对人与人之间形成的社会关系产生影响，这种社会关系是国家权力运行和国家意志实现的标志。从规范人的行为的社会规范的角度来看，法律可以规范人的行为。另一方面，法律也具有社会作用，它从法律的角度来理解，是为了在社会生活中达到一个目的。宪法的效力具有不可忽视的优先性。今天，在国际社会中，一项基本的道德原则就是保护人权。这件事或这件事是否符合人权保障的要求，逐渐成为判断一个集体是否保持和谐关系的重要标准。关于宪法在保障基本人权方面的作用和具体方式存在不少争议，甚至引发了严重的冲突。近年来，在全球化的背景下，如何通过建设性对话进行沟通，扩大国际人权分享，是国际社会面临的重要问题之一。例如，两个没有引渡条款的国家。或者，虽然引渡条款已经达成一致，但没有得到有效执行。如何处理犯罪嫌疑人的跨国犯罪和可能犯罪人的人权保护。要求每个人都得到公平和合理的对待，当然是人权的普遍性所能做的事情之一。然而，在现实生活中，有不同的经济力量、政治力量、种族、国籍等等。人被划分为不同的阶级，在不同的程度和权利下，人权就会变得有限和不公平，甚至人就会变成奢侈品来服务特权阶级。正义权就是把人权平等地延伸到每一个人。公正权不仅是人权的一部分，而且是其他人权的必要条件。人权问题不仅局限于西方文明的框架内，也需要在与西方文明同步的其他文明中加以考虑。例如，以中国的人权为例，中国认为人权不仅是个人权利，而且是相互的权利，如集体权利和公民权利。人权保障应注重社会全体成员平等参与和发展的权利。而西方文明更注重个人的尊严和权威，强调个人的情感和主观的情感。总之，两种文明对人权的保护不可能完全相同。因此，宪法是否有效地保障人权是一个重要而值得探讨的问题。

作者：余龙泉 律师

笔者最近遇到一个案例，在首次开庭时上诉人（原审被告）提出增加一项上诉请求，要求对一审判决第一项中关于逾期利息计算基数出现的错误进行改判。法庭要求上诉人递交增加上诉请求的书面申请，并且可能需要补交上诉费。由于有诉讼参与人未出庭，所以需要重新送达新的上诉状，择期再次开庭。但是庭后法官提示上诉人代理律师这是存在一定风险的，让其参阅（2020）最高法民申2559号案例。二审程序是指当事人不服一审法院的裁判，依照法定的程序，请求上一级人民法院对案件进行审理的一种制度。二审程序是基于上诉人的上诉权而启动的，但上诉权又是以一审裁判为基础的，是针对一审裁判对诉讼请求支持或否定的权利，是对一审所认定的事实是否正确、适用法律是否适当而展开的。所以上诉请求应限定为上诉人对未生效的一审裁判不服而提出的要求二审法院变更或撤销一审裁判的内容和范围。

为此，笔者收集了最高院的部分案例，以做探讨。1、我们来看看持反对意见的案例，首先是高院法官提示的（2020）最高法民申2559号案例，其相关内容为“本院经审查认为，依据《中华人民共和国民事诉讼法》第一百六十四条第一款的规定，当事人应当在一审判决书送达之日起十五日内提起上诉。伟丰怡公司在十五天的上诉期内没有就赣州银行会昌支行就构筑物不享有优先受偿权的问题提起上诉，而是在超过上诉期限后予以增加。在赣州银行会昌支行没有明确表示同意一并审理的情况下，二审法院按照原上诉状的上诉请求进行审理，并未违反法律的强制性规定。伟丰怡公司申请再审举示的国有土地使用权证书，仅证明伟丰怡公司对案涉构筑物坐落土地享有使用权，不能证明案涉构筑物抵押登记无效。且案涉构筑物和机器设备属于同一整体，如果直接分割会大幅削弱抵押物的产品价值。原审法院基于当事人在借款合同约定该构筑物与机器设备作为整体抵押资产的意思表示，和工商部门已经将案涉机器设备、构筑物办理抵押登记且未撤销、变更上述登记内容的客观事实，认定伟丰怡公司对登记的机器设备及构筑物需承担抵押担保责任，并无明显不当。”其次（2020）最高法民终115号，其相关内容为“另，余干管委会在本院2020年7月8日组织的庭前会议中申请增加一项上诉请求，即请求解除案涉《总承包合同》。首先，余干管委会提出增加上诉请求的申请已过上诉期，且长荣公司明确表示不同意；其次，即便允许余干管委会增加上诉请求，因案涉《总承包合同》无效，不存在解除问题，其该项请求亦无法得到支持。故对余干管委会的该项申请，本院不予准许。”再有就是（2020）最高法民终281号案件，其相关内容为“关于华宸未来公司在本院询问过程中申请增加上诉请求问题，因其提出增加上诉请求的申请已过上诉期，对其该项申请，本院不予准许。关于中普置业公司上诉提出的华宸未来公司存在违约行为，应负违约责任，赔偿损失的问题，其在一审中并未就此提出反诉，也未提出该抗辩事由，本院不予审理。”2、笔者也收集到两个支持的案例，其一为（2019）最高法民终1579号案例，其相关内容为“本院认为，雄政公司在本院组织询问时增加上诉请求，虽然已过上诉期，但新增上诉请求并未超出其一审诉讼请求范围，且西秀区政府、西秀区财政局表示不需另行给予答辩期并当庭进行了答辩。因此，对该上诉请求进行审理不会对西秀区政府、西秀区财政局行使辩论权造成影响，可将该上诉请求纳入二审审理范围。”，其二为（2018）最高法民终753号，其相关内容为“一、泸州七建当庭增加的上诉请求是否属于本案二审审理范围，泸州七建二审庭审中当庭增加的上诉请求涉及两方面内容，一是欠付工程款金额从75965284.64元增加为83773527.64元，二是请求判令乾泰公司支付违约金9041.97元。本院认为，首先，原告根据《中华人民共和国民事诉讼法》（以下简称《民诉法》）第一百一十九条第三项之规定，于起诉时提出具体的诉讼请求和事实、理由后，仍有权依据《民诉法》第一百四十条、《最高人民法院关于适用<中华人民共和国民事诉讼法>的解释》（以下简称《民诉法司法解释》）第二百三十二条之规定，在法庭辩论结束前增加诉讼请求。虽然《民诉法》第一百六十五条规定，上诉人所递交上诉状的内容应包括上诉的请求和理由，但依照《民诉法》第一百七十四条关于二审法院审理上诉案件除依照二审程序的相关规定外，适用第一审普通程序的规定，不应将《民诉法》第一百六十五条关于上诉请求的规定理解为上诉状递交之时上诉请求即应固定而不得增加。其次，《诉讼费用交纳办法》第二十条规定上诉人应预交案件受理费，而依据《最高人民法院关于适用<诉讼费用交纳办法>的通知》第二条，当事人逾期不按照《诉讼费用交纳办法》第二十条规定交纳案件受理费或申请费并且没有提出司法救助申请，或者申请司法救助未获批准，在人民法院指定期限内仍未交纳案件受理费或者申请费的，由人民法院依法按照当事人自动撤诉或者撤回申请处理。因上诉请求的具体内容与案件受理费的数额直接相关，上诉人在上诉期满后所应缴纳的案件受理费仍应依其具体的诉讼请求最终确定，在不超出原诉请范围的前提下，如上诉人此时增加上诉请求并依此交纳案件受理费，并不存在不予准许的明确依据。因此，《民诉法》第一百六十四条第一款关于十五日的上诉期限系规制当事人上诉权行使的期限，而非规制上诉人上诉请求具体内容的期限。如果将十五日上诉期限理解为规制上诉人上诉请求具体内容的期限，在案情较为复杂的情况下，可能迫使上诉人为规避诉讼风险而对一审裁判内容一律全部提出上诉，这既可能平添当事人的诉累，亦不利于节约司法资源。再次，比较泸州七建上诉状中载明的上诉请求及其当庭所增加诉请的内容，本院认为泸州七建并不存在诉讼偷袭的不当诉讼目的。而且，泸州七建作为本案原审原告提起本案诉讼时，其当庭所增加诉请的内容并未超出其原审所提诉请的范围。针对该当庭增加的诉请内容，乾泰公司一审进行过答辩，一审法院对此进行了审理。二审对于该当庭增加的诉请内容予以审理，并不必然导致乾泰公司诉讼防御的不便。最后，当事人提起上诉后，一审判决并未发生法律效力，允许泸州七建在不超出原诉请的范围内于二审庭审辩论结束前增加上诉请求，并不会当然损害乾泰公司的实体权利，且有利于实质性解决全案纠纷。被上诉人因泸州七建增加上诉请求导致的不利主要系程序上的不利，在保障乾泰公司的答辩权利，且在由此增加的诉讼成本对乾泰公司予以完全补偿的前提下，该程序上的不利亦可最大程度予以化解。”

我们看到上述案例中有反对的也有支持的，其中（2020）最高法民终281号案例是认为超过上诉期限，不予准允，（2020）最高法民申2559号和（2020）最高法民终115号案例虽未予支持，但对其实体内容亦进行了审查，某种意义上上诉人的权利是得到了保障的，最后两个案子均准允了上诉人增加了诉讼请求，尤其是（2018）最高法民终753号案件，对新增的诉讼请求进行了相当充分的阐述。从最高人民法院的判例来看，关于民事诉讼中超过上诉期限届满后增加上诉请求是否属于二审审理范围尚无定论，但总体还是偏向保障上诉人的实体权利。笔者认为，允许上诉人在上诉期限届满后增加上诉请求有利于保障上诉人的利益，特别是对于案情比较复杂的案件，在十五日的上诉期内完整的提出上诉请求和理由存在一定的困难，正如（2018）最高法民终753号中所述“如果将十五日上诉期限理解为规制上诉人上诉请求具体内容的期限，在案情较为复杂的情况下，可能迫使上诉人为规避诉讼风险而对一审裁判内容一律全部提出上诉，这既可能平添当事人的诉累，亦不利于节约司法资源”，但同时应保障被上诉的权利，给予充分的答辩期限。另外上诉人在二审程序中增加诉讼请求应满足以下几个基本条件，首先应当在原诉讼请求的范围之内，除此之外对于上诉请求事项的增加应当不予准许，除非被上诉人同意。其次增加上诉请求应该二审庭审辩论结束之前。本文仅是对此问题做了一个简单的分析，如何在二审程序中保障上诉人和被上诉人各方的权利有待进一步的探讨。